Before we dive into the history of Hoshino Gakki, Ibanez and the Japanese guitar in general – and how they could become so successful – we must first understand the historical background in Japan before the 1900s.
This will be a rather lengthy article because it spans roughly 300 years, but trust me … this is highly interesting stuff. That is, if you like a bit of history. And yes, of course this is guitar related; each chapter has a ‘How is this guitar related?’ section 😊
Just before the 1900s, Japan was a nation in transition; rapidly shifting from centuries of cultural isolation to an aggressive adoption of Western technology and culture. In Japan, the guitar was essentially unknown to the general public until in the late 19th century, when it was introduced in a whirlwind of modernization.
The context of Japan before the 1900s is divided into three periods:
1. The Edo Period (1603–1868)
For over 250 years, Japan existed under the Tokugawa Shogunate, a loose confederation of 300 semi-independent fiefdoms ruled by regional warlords called daimyo, who enforced a strict policy of isolation a period of self-imposed isolationism known as sakoku.
Technologically, Japan had missed out on the revolutions that had transformed the West. It had no steam power, no railroads, no telegraph lines, no industrial machinery.
Power rested not with the emperor but with the shogun, elected by the daimyo, and backed by a warrior class of samurai. It was a medieval society organized around land, lineage, and the sword.
- Restricted foreign influence: Christianity was banned and trade with the Western world was limited to a tiny, controlled area in Nagasaki Bay.
- Traditional music dominance: musical life was defined by traditional Japanese instruments, known as wagakki. The most popular, which would set the stage for stringed instruments, included the shamisen (a three-stringed, skin-covered lute), the koto (a long zither), and the shakuhachi (bamboo flute).
- Class structure: musical forms were rigidly linked to social classes and local identity.
2. The Meiji Restoration (1868–1900)
The 1853 arrival of US Commodore Matthew Perry and his ‘Black Ships’ forced Japan to open up, which eventually lead to the Meiji Restoration in 1868. The new government adopted a policy of rapid Europeanization to modernize the nation and avoid colonization.
- Adoption of Western music: the government officially introduced Western music into the educational system, considering it a crucial element of a modern state.
- First introduction of guitars: while traditional stringed instruments like the biwa existed, the six-string Western guitar was introduced around 1890.
- Early guitar importation: the first Japanese person recognized to own a guitar was Hiroshi Hiraoka (1856-1934), who brought one back from America in 1877.
- Early education & training: by the late 1880s, Japanese musicians began studying Western music, including the cello and zither, in Europe and America.
3. The musical landscape just before 1900
Before the 20th century, the guitar was a rare, foreign curiosity rather than a popular instrument.
- Lack of manufacturing: while Yamaha was founded in 1887 to build Western instruments like pianos, the domestic manufacturing of guitars did not exist.
- Cultural shock: the structure of Western harmony and the fretboard layout was entirely new, contrasting with the pentatonic scales and un-fretted nature of traditional instruments like the shamisen.
In summary, the, Japan before 1900 was characterized by a ’blank canvas’ regarding Western fretted instruments, followed by a rapid, top-down push for Westernization that created the initial, niche interest in the guitar.
The Edo Period (1603–1868): Total Cultural Isolation
(Edo was the former name of Tokyo)
Prior to the sixteenth century, the islands of Japan were pretty much isolated from the rest of the world. Exception to this was Japan’s already long relationship with China and Korea. Japanese writing was based on Chinese writing and 17th century Chinese Buddhist missionaries shaped Japanese religious history.
Even with these influences Japan’s isolation resulted in a unique, self-contained culture. The culture’s native religion was Shintoism (‘Way of the Gods’) and the emperor was claimed to be a descendant from Amaterasu – the goddess of the sun. Most Japanese in the sixteenth century practiced a combination of Shintoism and Buddhism.
The image below is a byōbu, a six fold screen depicting the arrival of a Portuguese Ship in Japan, which is on display in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London.
Japan’s first contact with the Western world – specifically Europe – came in September 1543 by accident rather than by design. The first Europeans to arrive in Japan were Portuguese merchants / explorers António da Mota, Francisco Zeimoto along with possibly a third person named Fernão Mendes Pinto (he claimed in his memoirs that he was present, but there is no actual proof that he was there).
Their ship (possibly a Chinese junk, although it remains unclear whether it was Chinese or a Portuguese vessel) was blown off course by a typhoon while, carrying animal hides from Siam (after 1939 named Thailand) to the Chinese port of Ningbo, shipwrecking the sailors on Cape Kadogura on the island of Tanegashima, a small island off the coast of Kyushu in the south-west tip of Japan.
ebsco.com/research-starters/history/europeans-begin-trade-japan
They called these men ‘Nanban’, a term that stems from the Chinese word Nánmán, originally referring to the people of South and Southeast Asia. It was not inherently derogatory – it didn’t actually mean ‘barbarians’ – but was a Sino-Japanese word that meant ‘southern foreigners’ because they arrived in Japan from the south, traveling via routes through Southeast Asia and Macau.
To the Japanese, these outsiders had strange customs, unfamiliar manners, and at the time they were not part of the known Japanese world.
The Japanese viewed the the newly arrived foreigners with a mix of curiosity and disdain. The culture shock was quite strong, especially because the Europeans wore strange, voluminous clothing, had an unfamiliar religion, were not able to understand Japanese writing nor were they accustomed to eat by using chopsticks.
“They eat with their fingers instead of with chopsticks such as we use. They show their feelings without any self-control. They cannot understand the meaning of written characters.”
The term Nanban is a generic term used by the Japanese in pre modern times to label anything coming from outside of Japan.
The Dutch, who arrived later, were sometimes called nanban, but they were more commonly referred to as kōmō (meaning ‘red hair’)
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Eager to trade with Japan, the Portuguese soon established more formal traffic through a trade route linking their headquarters in Goa, via Malacca to Nagasaki – the so called ‘Nanban‘ trade; long-distance overseas trade routes with Japan. The results of the Nanban trade were technological and cultural exchange which included not only the introduction of modern technology like matchlock rifles to Japan, but also Christianity and other cultural elements, like agriculture, science and art.
Soon they established
The people of the island of Tanegachima, celebrate this historic event in style: every year in July they hold the island’s most important festivity – a public holiday even: the traditional ‘Teppo Matsuri‘ (Rifle Festival) to commemorate the arrival of Da Mota, Zeimoto and Mendes Pinto.
Historians will tell you that the most significant immediate impact was the introduction of the matchlock musket, leading to mass production and transforming Japanese warfare. But as guitar players, we find the introduction of European-style, stringed instruments – which eventually became the guitar – of a much bigger importance 😉
Catholic missionaries like the Navarrese Francis Xavier, Cosme de Torres and Juan Fernández arrived in 1549. Christianity found a degree of acceptance, particularly in southern regions. Thus, Francis Xavier founded the first Christian mission.
Missionaries set up schools in which they also taught music performance on instruments like organs, violas, trumpets, harps and lutes. According to records kept by these missionaries, the Japanese students of these instruments were already giving performances on these instruments as early as 1550. Some of these students travelled abroad to give performances in Europe, Macau and other locations in the early 1560s.
Other Europeans followed. One of whom was William Adams, the first Englishman to reach Japan in 1600. William Adams was the navigator / helmsman on the Dutch United East India Company ship ‘De Liefde’ (The Love’). The ship was the sole survivor of a five-vessel expedition, when it was shipwrecked on the coast of Kyushu, near Usuki. So the accidental way that Adams arrived in Japan, was basically the same as the first Portugese in 1543.
Of the crew of De Liefde, only 23 men were alive although most of the crew was ill. William Adams was brought before the shogun Ieyasu Tokugawa. Because of his knowledge of shipbuilding, navigation and mathematics, Adams gained the favor of the shogun. Adams became the first English samurai, known as Miura Anjin (Pilot of Miura). He was tasked with building Western-style ships for the shogun and became a trusted diplomatic advisor.
John Blackthorne – the main character in the television series Shōgun – is loosely based on him, while the character Lord Yoshi Toranaga, is based on Ieyasu Tokugawa.
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How is this guitar related?
An interesting verification of the existence of lutes in Japan at this time, can be seen in paintings done by Japanese students at the Jesuit schools. They obviously had other paintings as models since nearly the exact same figure is repeated in many different paintings (see page 13 in this research). In these Japanese paintings, the number of tuning pegs and the placement of the pegs differs, which suggests that painters were familiar with different versions of the same instruments.
The painting above – titled ‘Fujo dankin-zu’ (woman playing a koto) – is in the collection of the Yamato Bunka-kan Museum in Nara, Japan. Against a plain background, the figure depicts a woman strumming an instrument called a ‘vihuela da mano‘ (translates into ‘hand violin’), which is generally considered to be the precursor to the modern guitar.
However, none of these instruments survive into the Edo period, so there is no continuous lineage to later guitar adoption.
Because there is a Western-style heraldic seal stamped on the bottom left of the painting along with a signature, the painting is believed to be by the hands of Hasegawa Nobukata, a fairly unknown painter from Momoyama art period (1573-1615). There isn’t overall agreement as to his identity, but researchers believe that the name ‘Hasegawa Nobukata’ comes from the Bénézit Dictionary of Painters, Sculptors, Designers & Engravers – Volume 6 (page 1212). This book also states that Hasegawa was born in 1539 in Nanao and died in 1610.
All of the paintings attributed to Hasegawa Nobukata are characterized by the fact that they depict figures against a plain background, using modeling and shading techniques similar to those used in the Jesuit school of painting. This leads some to believe that Nobukata was a painter who had renounced his faith. Among early Western-style paintings that aimed for a three-dimensional pictorial space, the works of Nobukata feature expressions of emptiness reminiscent of Eastern pictorial space, and they also depict themes related to Nichiren Buddhism, such as the ‘Portrait of Nikkyo Shonin‘ in the Shorenji Temple.
The earlier acceptance of Christianity shifted dramatically under the influence of key figures like Hideyoshi Toyotomi and Ieyasu Tokugawa, who gradually unified Japan and saw Christianity as a potential threat to their political authority and the established social order.
After 1612, foreigners – and Jesuits in particular – became unwelcome in Japan. The Tokugawa shogunate took over political control of the country and in 1614, Ieyasu Tokugawa was so concerned about the territorial ambitions of the Spanish and Christianity as a ‘pernicious doctrine’, that he signed the Christian Expulsion Edict, which banned the practice of Christianity. He also ordered the destruction of churches and the expulsion or imprisonment of all foreign missionaries.
As a result of this many objects related to the Christian faith were hidden or destroyed and very little has survived to the present day.
In 1639, after suppressing a rebellion blamed on the influence of Christian thought, the ruling Tokugawa shogunate retreated into an isolationist policy, the Sakoku (locked country): a complete ban on foreign goods and contact with foreigners.
Only some smaller Dutch and Chinese trading operations remained in Hirado and later on Dejima Island, a man-made island in the port of Nagasaki.
Japan also maintained relations with the Ryukyu Kingdom (todays Okinawa). They were a vassal state to China while being controlled by Japan after its invasion in 1609. This dual-bridge role allowed Ryukyu to broker trade between Southeast Asia, China and Japan.
Also, Japan allowed the Ainu to maintain their trade networks, which had already existed since the 13th century. The Ainu exchanged salmon, kelp, furs and medicinal plants for Japanese ironware, silk, and ceramics.
While Japan restricted foreign trade, Korea first official diplomatic mission to Japan in 1607 resulted in the first Korean embassy and resulted in the Japan-Korea trade – the kyorin (neighborly exchange) – which was restricted to the port of Busan.
Probably worst of all for Japanese people: common Japanese people were forbidden to leave the country and Japanese living abroad were forbidden to return.
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The rise of the Tokugawa shogunate marked the beginning of the Edo period which lasted until the Meiji Restoration (the restoration of the Emperor to political power) in 1868.
The Meiji Restoration (1868–1900)
By the early 19th century, the Japanese isolationist policy – which continued until 1854 – was increasingly under challenge from foreign powers. For more than 200 years, all Japanese ports were closed to foreigners. Only a few Dutch and Chinese traders were allowed in the port of Nagasaki. And only a very few times per year.
On February 15, 1844, King William II of The Netherlands sent a letter to Japanese Shogun Tokugawa Ieyoshi, advising him to end its sakoku isolationist policy to avoid a fate similar to China in the Opium War* and urging opening trade to avoid foreign conflict and change would be forced from the outside. Naturally, the Shogunate rejected the ‘recommendation’ from the Dutch king.
human.kanagawa-u.ac.jp/kenkyu/publ/pdf/syoho/no45/4502.pdf
*The so-called Opium War (1839–42), fought between Great Britain and China, was more about the right of free trade than about opium. By the terms of the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 and the Supplementary Agreement of 1843, China was forced to concede full sovereignty over the island of Hong Kong to Britain and open five ports to trade at tariffs favourable to foreign merchants. British and other foreign warships would now be stationed at ports along the China coast only a few days’ sail from Japan.
Even before the Biddle Expedition in 1846 (see further down) ,
On May 6, 1791, two American ships – Lady Washington commanded by John Kendrick and Grace commanded by William Douglas – stopped for 11 days on Kii Ōshima island, south of the Kii Peninsula, after arriving from Macau. Although, there is no Japanese account of his, John Kendrick is generally credited as the very first American to visit Japan.
In the early 1800s American whaling vessels operating in the North Pacific whaling grounds, routinely sought to land in Japan to gather firewood and freshwater, but were routinely turned away or even driven off with cannon fire. Meanwhile, the US government was increasingly casting their eyes on Japan as a possible coaling station for the US Navy and as a stopping point for US merchants engaged in the lucrative China trade.
Kendrick was the first American to try to open trade with Japan. He began the Hawaiian sandalwood trade. John Kendrick was instrumental in pioneering trade in the Pacific Northwest, the Hawaiian Islands, and China, as well as helping the young United States establish itself as global trade power.[1]
wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Kendrick_(American_sea_captain)#Japan
Probably the first citizen of the United States to visit Japan was Major Robert Shaw, who had served in the Continental Army, and in 1797 arrived at Nagasaki in a merchant vessel. He wrote of the cleanliness of the Japanese, their distrust of “hairy devils,” their need of American cloths to cover their bodies, and their supply of gold and copper which the people were willing to exchange with merchants.
American ships were employed by the Dutch East India Company to make the annual voyages to Nagasaki in 1799-1803 and 1806-1809. The Boston ship Franklin, Thomas Devereux, master, was thus employed in 1799; the Salem ship Margaret, Samuel Derby, master, in 1801; and the Boston ship Eclipse in 1807.
Commodore David Porter in 1816 proposed the examination of the North Pacific Ocean and the protection of the American sailor and his flag wherever ships could go.
The American ship Amherst visited Loo Choo Island in 1832 and relieved a famine by generous distribution of rice and fish.
President Andrew Jackson sent Mr. Edmund Roberts in the U. S. Ship Peacock to carry treaty ratifications to Muscat and Siam in 1832, and directed this envoy to attempt to open trade relations with Japan. He died at Canton in 1836 before opportunity offered to go to Japan. Commander David Geisinger, U. S. Navy, of the Peacock, having no instructions to continue Robert’s mission, made no visit to Japan, but he acquired a knowledge of Japanese character and affairs that enabled him to issue in 1849 admirable instructions to the U. S. Ship Preble to rescue from prison at Nagasaki shipwrecked American sailors. Secretary Bancroft gave Biddle authority to continue the duties of the envoy sent out in 1845, thus profiting by the experience acquired in the Roberts’ affair.
usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1905/october/early-american-visitors-japan
human.kanagawa-u.ac.jp/kenkyu/publ/pdf/syoho/no45/4502.pdf
The Biddle Expedition (1846)
At the same time, the United States hoped that Japan would agree to open their ports to American vessels, so that they could begin to trade with the mysterious island kingdom. In addition to interest in the Japanese market, America needed Japanese ports to replenish coal and supplies for their commercial whaling fleet.
Because US Navy Commodore James Biddle – commander of the East India Squadron – had successfully exchanged ratifications of the Treaty of Wanghia (the first treaty between China and the United States after the Opium Wars) in December 1845, President Polk sent him to Japan not to negotiate a treaty, but to only ascertain Japan’s disposition. Biddle was to understand the current situation, not to persuade the Japanese to open up. And he was to do this without creating feelings of distrust or hostility toward the US.
Commodore Biddle was the first official American to make a diplomatic visit to Japan. After exchanging the aforementioned ratifications, he sailed the 80-gun USS Columbus (his own flagship) accompanied by the 20-gun USS Vincennes from the Chusan Islands in China on July 7, 1846 to Japan.
Biddle decided to go straight to the center of power, rather than going to Nagasaki, which at the time was the only port that was open to foreign ships. Biddle did not want to risk potential Dutch interference or wait for the delay in communications due to the seven-week overland route between Nagasaki and Edo.
So, on July 20, 1846 he anchored his ships in Uraga Channel in the Edo Bay.
More details about the events in the Edo Bay can be read in ‘Commodore Biddle’s Visit to Japan in 1846’, a report that was written by US Navy Rear Admiral Stephen Luce, who at the time was a Midshipman (junior officer) aboard the USS Columbus.
In short,the events proceeded as reported by Commodore Biddle himself:
“Before reaching the anchorage an officer, with a Dutch interpreter, came on board. He inquired what was my object in coming to Japan. I answered that I came as a friend, to ascertain whether Japan had, like China, opened her ports to foreign trade and, if she had, to fix by treaty the conditions on which American vessels should trade with Japan. He requested me to commit this answer to writing, and I gave him a written paper, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. He informed me that any supplies I might require would be furnished by the Government. To my inquiry whether I would be allowed to go on shore, he replied in the negative.”
On the July 27, an answer finally arrived from whom Biddle called the ‘Emperor’, but who in fact was the Shogun. The Shogunate’s message (as quoted by Biddle) was:
“According to the Japanese laws, the Japanese may not trade, except with the Dutch and Chinese. It will not be allowed that America make a treaty with Japan or trade with her, as the same is not allowed with any other nation. Concerning strange lands, all things are fixed at Nagasaki, but not here in the bay; therefore you must depart as quick as possible and not come any more in Japan.”
The knockdown incident (a Japanese guard pushing Biddle) is worth mentioning – it shaped later U.S. attitudes.
Earlier that same morning, an incident occurred that colored Japanese-American relations for the next eight years. The officer with the reply was approaching the Columbus in a junk. Commodore Biddle was requested to meet the officials on the junk to receive the paper. Biddle refused at first, but then consented when it was pointed out that the request was given on board the American vessel, and the Japanese wished to give the Emperor’s reply on a Japanese vessel. Biddle donned his uniform and embarked in the ship’s boat for the junk. The boat came alongside the junk and Biddle was just stepping onto the junk when a Japanese soldier pushed him, sending Biddle sprawling back into his own boat. He ordered the soldier seized, and then returned to the Columbus. When the officials boarded the ship, they were extremely apologetic over the incident and promised that the man would be severely punished.
usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1966/november/biddle-perry-and-japan
ia801903.us.archive.org/19/items/commodorejamesbi00wain/commodorejamesbi00wain.pdf
Chastened, Biddle told the Shogunate officials that having ascertained that Japan was not interested in trade, he would withdraw as soon as he could make sail. And after having taken on fresh provisions and with a tow from Japanese rowboats, both Biddle’s ships sailed from Edo Bay on the July 29, concluding a nine-day visit without violence or treaty.
Commodore Biddle’s adherence to non-coercive instructions confirmed Japan’s ports remained closed. And although Commodore Biddle was firm but polite, he was ultimately rebuffed by the Tokugawa shogunate, which strictly enforced its sakoku policy.
The Glynn Expedition (1848)
“The fearless sailors who manned America’s whaling fleet in the nineteenth century were no strangers to danger, but even the bravest trembled at the unknown prospects of becoming castaways on forbidden shores.”
americanheritage.com/castaways-forbidden-shores
Key Details of the 1848–1849 Mission
- The Incident: In June 1848, 15 seamen from the American whaleship Lagoda were shipwrecked on Hokkaido, then held as prisoners by the Tokugawa shogunate in Nagasaki.
- The Mission: Learning of the prisoners in Canton, Glynn was ordered to Nagasaki, arriving on April 17, 1849.
- Negotiation Strategy: Glynn used a combination of firm threats and diplomacy, which is often considered the first successful American negotiation with isolationist Japan.
- Outcome: The crew, along with adventurer Ranald MacDonald (who had voluntarily arrived in Japan in 1848), were released in April 1849.
- Significance: Glynn’s success and his subsequent report to Congress urging a display of strength encouraged the U.S. government to pursue the opening of Japan, paving the way for Commodore Perry in 1853–1854.
wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Glynn
In 1848, 15 American seamen from the whaling ship Lagoda mutinied and landed in Japan, where they were promptly imprisoned by the Tokugawa Shogunate under the isolationist policy of sakoku. This event set the stage for the notable 1849 mission of Commander James Glynn.
The Expedition of the USS Preble
On April 18, 1849, Glynn arrived at Nagasaki aboard the American brig USS Preble to rescue these survivors and another famous adventurer, Ranald MacDonald.
- Gunboat Diplomacy: Facing Japanese resistance, Glynn used a “show of strength,” threatening major havoc if the prisoners were not released.
- Successful Negotiation: This was the first successful negotiation by an American with the Japanese government, resulting in the release of the prisoners on April 26, 1849.
- The Rescue of Ranald MacDonald: Among those saved was MacDonald, who had voluntarily entered Japan in 1848 to learn about the culture and became the first American to teach English in Japan.
In 1849, Commander James Glynn of the USS Preble successfully negotiated with Japan to release 15 American sailors from the whaler Lagoda imprisoned since 1848. This mission, which followed the 1848 shipwreck of the Lagoda, marked the first successful negotiation by an American with isolationist Japan and paved the way for Commodore Perry’s 1853 expedition.
Key Details Regarding Glynn and the 1848-1849 Context:
- The Mission (1849): While the sailors were imprisoned in 1848, Glynn arrived at Nagasaki in April 1849. He was instructed to be “conciliatory but firm,” resulting in the safe return of the crew.
- Pre-Perry Significance: Glynn’s success was a crucial precursor to Matthew Perry’s later mission, demonstrating that a firm, show-of-force approach could work against the Tokugawa Shogunate.
- The Lagoda Incident: In June 1848, 15 American seamen from the ship Lagoda mutinied and were subsequently captured in Hokkaido.
- Relation to Ranald MacDonald: During this period (1848-1849), Ranald MacDonald was also held in Japan, where he taught English to Japanese officials. Glynn’s expedition and the retrieval of the Lagoda sailors were linked to the overall context of American efforts to free prisoners and open Japan.
- Strategic Impact: Glynn recognized the necessity of forcing Japan open to provide “way-stations for coal” for the growing American Pacific trade routes.
Historical Impact
Upon his return, Glynn recommended to the U.S. Congress that any future attempt to open Japan must be supported by a full naval demonstration. His “gunboat diplomacy” strategy directly paved the way for Commodore Matthew Perry’s famous expedition in 1853, which eventually ended Japan’s two centuries of isolation.
Are you interested in the specific conditions the sailors faced during their imprisonment, or more about Ranald MacDonald’s unique experience as a teacher in Nagasaki?
When Commander Glynn returned to the United States he had the prestige of being the first man who had induced the Japanese to yield to the demand of foreigners. The interest aroused in his narrative, and the publication in August, 1850, of a full account of his visit greatly aroused public interest regarding Japan, which crystallized into the Perry Expedition.
It is probable that public opinion in Japan condemned the harsh treatment accorded the benevolent expeditions of Americans to her harbors. The educated Japanese viewed the United States as a nation made great by liberty. The charity of the Americans was acknowledged. “Have you any shipwrecked Japanese on board” was among the first questions asked by the Japanese when an American vessel appeared. Her ships’ visits were increasing in frequency. Her increasing importunity indicated her purpose to secure substantial recognition. She was the favored applicant for Japan’s friendship. This favorable public opinion existed when Perry steamed into Yeddo Bay, and our good reputation, diplomacy, and great guns secured the written agreement of Kanagawa that marked the beginning of Japan’s intercourse with the world. This happy result is due in great measure to the early Americans who visited Japan from 1797 to 1849.
usni.org/magazines/proceedings/1905/october/early-american-visitors-japan
In 1849, US Navy Captain James Glynn followed Biddle’s attempt, and made it to Nagasaki. He had come in the American brig USS Preble, to rescue a party of shipwrecked American whalers held by the Japanese. Glynn had to force his entry into the bay, and threatened major havoc if the prisoners were not released to him. He got his way, and returned to America.3 Among those rescued was a most delightful character: the first teacher of English in Japan, the Native-American Ranald MacDonald.4
Bluffing with a single ship was not the ideal way to deal with Japan, Glynn concluded; rather, negotiations should be supported with a full force demonstration. Glynn approached the US Congress, with his idea of gunboat diplomacy, and the august body Aha-aha-ed it.
The Perry Expedition (1852 & 1854)
The Perry Expedition was a diplomatic and military expedition to Japan in two separate voyages (1852–1853 & 1854–1855). The goals of this expedition included exploration, surveying and the establishment of diplomatic relations and negotiation of trade agreements with the various nations in the region. Opening contact with the government of Japan was a top priority of the expedition and one of the key reasons for the expedition.
After Commodore Biddle’s return from Japan, the United States still wanted Japan to open their ports. Growing commerce between the US and China, the presence of the American whaling fleet in the waters off the coast of Japan plus the increasing monopolization of potential coaling stations in Asia by European colonial powers, were all contributing factors in the decision by President Millard Fillmore to dispatch an expedition to Japan.
Under the policy of Sakoku, whipwrecked Westerners were treated harshly or even executed in Japan, including the crew of the American whaling ship Lawrence which was shipwrecked on May 27, 1846 of the coast of the Kuril Islands.
americanheritage.com/castaways-forbidden-shores
The American whaling ship Lawrence, out of Poughkeepsie, New York, was wrecked on the coast of Urup Island in the Kuril Islands on May 27, 1846 [1, 2].
Key Details of the Incident:
- The Shipwreck: The Lawrence was commanded by Captain Hamilton [1]. While whaling, the ship was destroyed on the shores of Urup Island, which at the time was part of the Japanese-influenced Kuril chain (though often frequented by American whalers) [1].
- Survival and Captivity: The crew survived the wreck but were subsequently captured by local Japanese authorities [1].
- Detention: The crew was held captive, moving through various locations, including Matsumae, and were subjected to interrogation and strict isolation, a common practice for foreign sailors wrecked on Japanese shores during the era of Sakoku (self-imposed isolation) [1].
- Rescue: The survivors were eventually handed over to the American ship Mercator in 1847 after being transported to Nagasaki [1].
This event occurred during a period when several American whaling ships were wrecked in the region, which contributed to increasing diplomatic pressure from the United States to open Japan to international trade.
The American whaling ship Lawrence, out of Poughkeepsie, New York, under the command of Captain Baker, was wrecked on May 27, 1846, after grounding on the coast of Etorofu Island (Iturup) in the Kuril chain. The vessel was caught in a storm, and the captain’s decision to maintain the catch rather than cut it loose resulted in the ship grounding and breaking up.
Shipwreck and Survival
- The Wreck: The Lawrence struck, rolled onto her starboard side, and bilged around midnight.
- Casualties: Captain Baker and the first mate, Mr. Myers, were lost during the wreck, along with most of the crew.
- Survivors: A boat commanded by second mate George Howe and carrying six crewmen managed to survive, eventually landing on the forbidden shores of Japan (Etorofu).
- Initial Captivity: The seven survivors were discovered by local Ainu and subsequently taken into custody by Japanese authorities, where they spent 17 months in captivity.
Captivity and Repatriation
- Treatment: The crew experienced harsh conditions, including interrogation, confinement in a, “dark, filthy” hold of a junk, and being carried in wooden cages, according to accounts from Howe.
- One Death: During their detention in Nagasaki, one sailor tried to escape and was killed, though accounts differ on whether he was murdered or died of a head wound.
- Release: The remaining six survivors were paroled into the custody of the Dutch opperhoofd (trading post head) in Nagasaki, Joseph Henrij Levyssohn, in late 1847 and were sent to Batavia (Jakarta).
Significance
The Lawrence shipwreck, along with the harsh treatment of its survivors, became a major justification for the United States to demand the opening of Japan. Commodore Matthew C. Perry specifically cited the “great barbarity” suffered by the Lawrence crew in his 1853 instructions to negotiate with the Japanese, which eventually led to the 1854 Treaty of Kanagawa.
The Americans were also driven by concepts of manifest destiny and the desire to impose the benefits of Western civilization and the Christian religion on what they perceived as backward Asian nations.
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They still needed Japanese ports to replenish coal and supplies for their commercial whaling fleet.
This time, President Millard Fillmore didn’t want to understand the current situation. This time he wanted Japan to open up.
Commodore Matthew Perry was ordered to sail to Japan by President Millard Fillmore in 1852 with a primary mission to end Japan’s 220-year-old policy of national isolation (Sakoku) and force the opening of its ports to American trade. On November 24, 1852, Perry embarked from Norfolk, Virginia, for Japan.
city.yokosuka.kanagawa.jp/2110/bugyousyo/top.html
Commodore Perry learned well from Biddle’s experience, and those lessons shaped the manner in which he approached his expedition to Japan.
On July 8, 1853 four black ships led by USS Powhatan and commanded by Commodore Matthew Perry, anchored at Edo (Tokyo) Bay. Never before had the Japanese seen ships steaming with smoke. They thought the ships were “giant dragons puffing smoke.” They did not know that steamboats existed and were shocked by the number and size of the guns on board the ships.
Black Ships because of the black smoke. Though their hulls were not black, their coal-fired steam engines belched black smoke.
The 1853 arrival of US Commodore Matthew Perry and his ‘Black Ships’ forced Japan to open up, which eventually lead to the Meiji Restoration in 1868. The new government adopted a policy of rapid Europeanization to modernize the nation and avoid colonization.
- Adoption of Western music: the government officially introduced Western music into the educational system, considering it a crucial element of a modern state.
- First introduction of guitars: while traditional stringed instruments like the biwa existed, the six-string Western guitar was introduced around 1890.
- Early guitar importation: the first Japanese person recognized to own a guitar was Hiroshi Hiraoka (1856-1934), who brought one back from America in 1877.
- Early education & training: by the late 1880s, Japanese musicians began studying Western music, including the cello and zither, in Europe and America.
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Background:
The Perry Expedition was driven by several key strategic and economic goals:
- Trade and New Markets: The United States wanted to secure trade agreements to open new markets for manufactured goods and establish commercial relations.
- Coaling Stations: With the transition from sail to steam-powered ships, the Navy required Japanese ports as refueling and coaling stations for vessels traveling the trade route between California and China.
- Protection for Sailors: A critical demand was the “humane treatment” and safe return of shipwrecked American sailors, who were often imprisoned or mistreated under Japanese isolationist laws.
- Whaling Industry Support: The North Pacific was a major area for American whalers, who needed safe harbors to resupply and seek refuge from storms.
- Geopolitical Competition: The U.S. aimed to forestall European powers, particularly Great Britain and Russia, from gaining exclusive privileges or control over the region.
Perry utilized ‘Gunboat Diplomacy‘ arriving in Edo Bay with four modern warships to demonstrate American military superiority. Commodore Perry had arrived with steam warships and threatened to burn Edo (Tokio) to the ground.
He came with a letter from President Millard Fillmore and an ultimatum: open your ports to American trade, or we’ll open them for you with our 73 state-of-the-art exploding-shell guns.
The Japanese had no navy with which to defend themselves. Plus the Japanese knew that Perry’s ships were just the beginning of Western interest in their islands. After the Perry Expedition Russia, Britain, France and The Netherlands all followed Perry’s example and use their fleets to force Japan to sign treaties that promised regular relations and trade. They did not just threaten Japan; they combined their navies on several occasions to defeat and disarm the Japanese feudal domains that defied them. Thus, the Japanese had to agree to Perry’s demands.
At age 60, Matthew Perry had a long and distinguished naval career. He knew that the mission to Japan would be his most significant accomplishment. He brought a letter from the President of the United States, Millard Fillmore, to the Emperor of Japan. He waited with his armed ships and – having learned from prior events described by Commodore James Biddle – refused to see any of the lesser dignitaries sent by the Japanese, insisting on dealing only with the highest emissaries of the Emperor.
Although all three letters are addressed to the emperor, it was the shōgun, the ruler of Japan, who received the letters.
afe.easia.columbia.edu/special/japan_1750_perry.htm
The Japanese government realized that their country was in no position to defend itself against a foreign power, and Japan could not retain its isolation policy without risking war. On March 31, 1854, after weeks of long and tiresome talks, Perry received what he had so dearly worked for – a treaty with Japan. The treaty provided for:
- Peace and friendship between the United States and Japan
- Opening of two ports to American ships at Shimoda and Hakodate
- Help for any American ships wrecked on the Japanese coast and protection for shipwrecked persons
- Permission for American ships to buy supplies, coal, water, and other necessary provisions in Japanese ports
After the signing of the treaty, the Japanese invited the Americans to a feast. The Americans admired the courtesy and politeness of their hosts, and thought very highly of the rich Japanese culture. Commodore Perry broke down barriers that separated Japan from the rest of the world. Today the Japanese celebrate his expedition with annual black ship festivals. Perry lived in Newport, Rhode Island, which also celebrates a Black Ship festival in July. In Perry’s honor, Newport has become Shimoda’s sister city.
This eventually led to the Convention of Kanagawa on March 31, 1854, which opened the ports of Shimoda and Hakodate.
Even though the Japanese had been forewarned of Commodore Perry’s voyage by Dutch traders in Dejima, their internal response to Perry’s arrival was one of initial panic and alarm, followed by a period of intense political turmoil and debate that ultimately led to the collapse of the ruling Tokugawa shogunate and the rapid modernization of the nation.
The sight of the four ships entering Edo Bay, belching black smoke and able to move with no need of wind, deeply frightened the Japanese.
It was eventually agreed that Commodore Perry could land nearby at Kurihama, whereupon he delivered his letter on July 14, 1853 and left.
Demanding to speak only to high-ranking officials (he wrongly assumed the largely symbolic emperor held real authority), he delivered President Fillmore’s letter with a not-so-veiled threat of war. He made clear that he would return the next year, expecting an answer.
Perry warned his uneasy hosts that he would return in a year.
—With all four vessels?
—Probably more.5
The Commodore was back with seven ships in February 1854; he was informed that most of President Fillmore’s demands had been heeded, and on March 31, he signed the Convention of Kanagawa6 —an agreement between the Tokugawa—the ruling oligarchy—and the United States. Four years later, the two nations replaced it with the United States-Japan Treaty of Amity and Commerce.7 Having been strangle-held into amity, Japan could do nothing better to show it than to exempt American residents from local jurisdiction, and grant them a few other galling perks. And so, Sakoku—the closed door period—was sent to rest uncomfortably into the Japanese past immemorial.
When he did, in 1854, with a larger fleet of eight ships, Japan’s shogunate conceded and opened two ports to American vessels. They also established an American consulate. Japan’s long history of isolation came to an end.
Had Japan really been the hermetic, exotic, inscrutable or singular Far East of popular lore?8 Let’s ruminate on history a little.
discovernikkei.org/en/journal/2012/3/8/meeting-of-the-twain
archive.org/details/theycametojapan0000coop/page/n5/mode/2up
For some two-hundred-and-thirty years after imposing Sakoku, Japan had remained open to business with the Dutch, the English10, the Chinese, the Ryukuan, and the Korean.11 Between 1797 and 1809, several American ships had also traded in Nagasaki under the Dutch flag.12
The following year, at the Convention of Kanagawa, Perry returned with a fleet of eight of the fearsome Black Ships, to demonstrate the power of the United States navy, and to lend weight to his announcement that he would not leave again, until he had a treaty. In the interim, after a debate by officials the Japanese government had decided to avoid war and agree to a treaty with the United States.
After roughly a month of negotiations, the shōgun‘s officials presented Perry with the Treaty of Peace and Amity. Perry refused certain conditions of the treaty but agreed to defer their resolution to a later time, and finally establishing formal diplomatic relations between Japan and the United States. The fleet departed, leaving behind a consul, Townsend Harris, at Shimoda to negotiate a more permanent agreement. The Harris Treaty was signed with the United States on July 29, 1858, and within five years of the signing of the Treaty of Peace and Amity, Japan had moved to sign treaties with other Western countries.
Key aspects of the internal response include:
- Fear of Western Military Power: The Japanese, who had maintained a policy of national isolation (Sakoku) for over 220 years, were stunned by the “black ships” (kurofune (still used today to refer to anything presaging momentous change and disruption)) and their advanced steam technology and powerful cannons. They were aware of China’s recent humbling by Western powers in the Opium Wars and realized they were militarily outmatched.
- Governmental Division and Weakness: The Shogun at the time, Tokugawa Ieyoshi, was very sick and died shortly after Perry’s first visit. The Rōjū (Council of Elders), led by Abe Masahiro, were paralyzed by indecision and, in an unprecedented move, polled all the daimyōs (feudal lords) for their opinions on how to respond. This public debate exposed the Shogunate’s weakness and indecisiveness to the entire country.
- “Sonnō Jōi” (Revere the Emperor, Expel the Barbarians): Perry’s demands fueled anti-foreign sentiment among many samurai and regional leaders. The slogan “Sonnō Jōi” emerged, reflecting a desire to expel the foreigners and restore the emperor to real political power, believing the Shogunate had failed to protect Japan’s sovereignty.
- Realization of the Need for Modernization: While many advocated expelling the foreigners, a growing number of leaders recognized that Japan lagged far behind the West in technology and military strength. They argued that Japan must open up, learn Western science and technology, and modernize to avoid colonization.
- Political Upheaval: The signing of the Treaty of Kanagawa in 1854 without imperial approval, followed by further unequal treaties, further eroded the Shogunate’s authority. This turmoil culminated in a civil war and the eventual collapse of the Tokugawa shogunate in 1867, leading to the Meiji Restoration in 1868.
- Rapid Industrialization: The new Imperial government, in a remarkable turnabout, embraced a policy of rapid, state-led modernization, adopting Western political, military, and industrial practices. This transformation allowed Japan to become a modern international power in just a few decades.
Perry’s arrival divided Japan’s 300 daimyo. Some wanted to resist foreign influence. Others saw modernization as the only path to survival. After a decade of Civil War, the modernizers won, overthrew the shogunate had been overthrown, and installed a new emperor with real power. The so-called Meiji Restoration swept aside 800 years of samurai government and set Japan on a furious course of Westernization.
Western dress replaced kimonos. The samurai class was abolished. A new conscript army was formed, railroads were laid, telegraph lines were strung, and cities were built. The Meiji Charter Oath of 1868 promised deliberative government, class mobility, economic innovation, and above all the accumulation of technical know-how. “Knowledge shall be sought throughout the world” became Japan’s supreme commandment.
Japan had decided: if we can’t beat ‘em, we’ll join ‘em.
Joining the West meant building a Western-style empire of overseas colonies. Industrialization required enormous amounts of raw materials like coal and iron that Japan didn’t possess. And so, with modern ships and Western tactics, Japan turned outward to grasp the resources needed to compete on a global stage.
wikipedia.org/wiki/Unequal_treaties#Japan
historyhit.com/a-timeline-of-feudal-japans-nanban-trade-with-europeans
visualizingcultures.mit.edu/black_ships_and_samurai/bss_essay05.html
history.state.gov/milestones/1830-1860/opening-to-japan
thecollector.com/commodore-matthew-perry
wikipedia.org/wiki/Perry_Expedition
afe.easia.columbia.edu/special/japan_1750_perry.htm
thecollector.com/when-was-the-era-of-japan-bakufu
thecollector.com/meiji-restoration-japanese-empire-renaissance
americanheritage.com/castaways-forbidden-shores
veteransbreakfastclub.org/black-ships-japan-1853-matthew-perry
navyandmarine.org/ondeck/1800perrypictures.htm
How is this guitar related?
Military bands were an active part of the crew’s entertainment and one performance attended by Japanese was recorded in this sketch. It was made by Bunsen Takagawa who worked as a physician to one of the Japanese magistrates present at the treaty negotiations between various foreign representatives and the Japanese government.
Bunsen Takagawa (1818 – ?) was a Japanese artist-retainer of the Sanada clan who lived during the late Edo period. He is best known for his documentation of Commodore Matthew Perry’s second visit to Japan in 1854. Along with Hibata Ōsuke, Bunsen Takagawa was permitted to witness and record the highly sensitive negotiations between the Japanese Shogunate and the American delegation in 1854. Takagawa is credited with creating detailed pictorial records (handscrolls) of the event, which are valued for their candid, often detailed, and sometimes humorous depictions of the cultural encounter from the Japanese perspective.
jonathanahill.com/pages/books/11042/commodore-perry-s-second-expedition-black-ship-scroll
The “Powhaten” was the name of the ship commanded by Commodore Perry. Most of the instruments are readily recognizable (tambourine, triangle, violin, flute, and banjo), but the guitar seems to stand out as slightly odd. The fact that a banjo is readily recognizable suggests that the guitar-shaped instruments are indeed guitars. But if the heads are examined closely only four pegs can be seen. My thoughts are that the artist took liberties in the depiction and drew a shape he was more familiar with: a shamisen (a three-stringed, plectrum instrument with large tuning pegs) or biwa (a four- or five-stringed, plectrum instrument with large tuning pegs).
nippon.com/en/japan-topics/g02197
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quod.lib.umich.edu/j/japanese/japanese.0003.002/1
The only instrument among the band members’ hands in the picture above is the guitar, which has been given the head of a shamisen. This is because the Japanese artist was extremely unfamiliar with the guitar. The artist was probably thinking something like, “What is this? Oh well, I’ll just draw my beloved shamisen instead.”
Thanks for sharing this fascinating image, Harold. Based on the visible Japanese text and its historical context—depicting African-American performers aboard the USS Powhatan during Commodore Perry’s 1853 expedition—I’ve translated the inscriptions as follows:
Right Side Text (躍之圖 松板五上指すル)
- 躍之圖: “Picture of Dancing” or “Dance Illustration”
- 松板五上指すル: Likely a phonetic rendering of a Western name or musical term. “Matsubanzu-go ue sasu-ru” could be a transliteration of “Five performers on the stage” or “Five on the board,” possibly referencing a musical ensemble or stage setup.
Left Side Text (里面草唐…斎赤色浪也)
This section is more descriptive and poetic, likely referring to the performers’ appearance and attire:
- 里面草唐: Possibly “Inner lining of Chinese-style grass cloth” — a reference to exotic or foreign fabric.
- 腰史柳股引: “Waist like a willow, wearing tight trousers” — poetic description of their posture and clothing.
- 鶴白遠馬格子甚: “Crane-white, distant horse, plaid pattern very…” — metaphorical imagery, possibly describing their pants or movement.
- 口らし高柄なる甚: “Mouth expressive, tall stature, very…” — emphasizing their animated expressions and height.
- 斎赤色浪也: “Bright red waves” — likely referring to the vivid red floral jackets.
Interpretation
This text blends descriptive fashion commentary with poetic metaphors, typical of 19th-century Japanese woodblock prints and caricatures. The performers’ exaggerated features and vibrant costumes reflect how Japanese artists interpreted foreign entertainers—especially African-American minstrel performers—through a lens of curiosity and stylized exoticism.
Japanese depictions of African-American performers aboard Commodore Perry’s USS Powhatan in 1853 reflect a mix of curiosity, exoticism, and stylized caricature—rooted in Edo-period visual conventions and shaped by the shock of foreign arrival. These images were not documentary but imaginative renderings that blended observation with theatrical exaggeration.
Cultural Context: Japan’s First Glimpse of Foreign Spectacle
When Commodore Matthew Perry arrived in Japan in 1853–54, his fleet included African-American sailors and performers who staged minstrel shows aboard the USS Powhatan. These performances, featuring banjos, tambourines, and exaggerated costumes, were part of American shipboard entertainment—but to Japanese observers, they were a bewildering spectacle.
- Minstrel Shows as Cultural Export: Blackface minstrelsy was wildly popular in antebellum America. Sailors often performed these acts abroad, introducing racial caricatures to foreign audiences.
- Japanese Artists’ Response: With no tradition of realistic portraiture or ethnographic documentation, Japanese artists interpreted these scenes through the lens of ukiyo-e and kawaraban (news broadsheets), emphasizing color, costume, and movement over accuracy.
- Visual Tropes: The performers were often shown with:
- Dark skin and pink hair (a stylized exaggeration)
- Flamboyant costumes (orange floral jackets, striped pants)
- Animated poses (dancing, playing instruments)
- These elements signaled “otherness” and theatricality, not realism.
Artistic Conventions and Symbolism
Japanese depictions of Perry’s crew—including African-American performers—were shaped by Edo-period aesthetics and political anxieties:
- Scrolls and Prints: Artists used formats like emaki (horizontal scrolls) and woodblock prints to narrate the encounter. These were often 20–30 feet long and circulated widely.
- Poetic Descriptions: Texts accompanying the images used metaphorical language—“crane-white,” “red waves,” “willow waist”—to describe clothing and movement.
- No Clear Ethnography: Unlike Western artists, Japanese illustrators did not aim for anatomical or cultural accuracy. Their works blended imagination with limited observation.
Political and Social Undercurrents
- Shock and Awe: Perry’s arrival was seen as a violation of Japan’s isolationist policy. The “black ships” were described as ominous and threatening.
- Domestic Mobilization: The Shogunate deployed thousands of samurai to defend Edo Bay, and artists sometimes depicted these troops in contrast to the flamboyant foreigners.
- Cultural Disorientation: With no prior exposure to African-Americans or minstrel culture, Japanese viewers interpreted the performers as part of a surreal, theatrical invasion.
After the Tokugawa Shogunate’s capitulation to the Harris Treaty on July 29, 1858,
negotiated by the eponymous U.S. envoy Townsend Harris, which, among other concessions, established a system of extraterritoriality for foreign residents. This agreement would then serve as a model for similar treaties to be further signed by Japan with other foreign Western powers in the weeks to follow, such as the Ansei Treaties.[17]
After signing the Harris Treaty on July 29, 1858, Japan quickly signed similar treaties in the weeks to follow – the Ansei Treaties – with Russia, France, Britain and The Netherlands to allow foreign concessions in the areas of Yokohama (near Tokyo) and Nagasaki.
The trade brought much foreign currency into Japan disrupting the Japanese monetary system. Because the ruling shōgun seemed unable to do anything about the problems brought by the foreign trade, some samurai leaders began to demand a change in leadership. The weakness of the Tokugawa shogunate before the Western demand for trade, and the disruption this trade brought, eventually led to the downfall of the Shogunate and the creation of a new centralized government with the emperor as its symbolic head.
The ukiyo-e (woodblock print) artists of the time were so interested in these odd foreigners’ activities that there was actually a genre created based on the depictions of foreigners’ dress and daily activities. Due to the popularity of musical entertainment in the concessions many ukiyo-e were done on this theme. Unfortunately I have not been able to find any which include depictions of the guitar. One of the most well known foreigners active in the musical scene of Yokohama at the time was the Englishman, John William Fenton, who arrived in Yokohama in 1868 and taught Western instruments to the Japanese and formed bands of Japanese musicians. He also composed music to various Japanese songs.
In 1894 the well known mandolinist, Samuel Adelstein, performed in Yokohama. Apparently he was offered a position at the former Tokyo Music School, but declined.
The musical landscape just before 1900
wikipedia.org/wiki/Japan%E2%80%93United_States_relations
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grokipedia.com/page/List_of_Westerners_who_visited_Japan_before_1868